Four Years of Bills

Connecticut's 55th House District · Sponsorship record 2023–2026 · Every bill Rep. Steve Weir introduced or cosponsored, and what became of each

A personal report by Scott Sauyet · scott@sauyet.com · Not an official town document

This report itemizes every bill that Representative Steve Weir (R-55th) introduced or cosponsored across his four sessions in the Connecticut House (2023, 2024, 2025, and 2026), and records the disposition of each. The 90-bill list comes from FastDemocracy’s legislator export (captured August 29, 2026) and was independently cross-verified, bill for bill, against the LegiScan API’s sponsored-bills record for his legislator ID and against the General Assembly’s own member-bills page; all three sources agree exactly. Sponsorship roles and dispositions are taken from the Connecticut bulk legislative datasets published by LegiScan for the 2023, 2024, 2025, and 2026 sessions, which carry each bill’s full sponsor list and action history; enactments are stated by public-act number and were confirmed against the chaptered texts on cga.ct.gov. Every row is resolved: no disposition in this report is pending. Part 4 compares his record with those of the 125 other House members who served the same four sessions, computed from the same datasets by the same rules; the underlying figures are published alongside this report as dataset.json. Part 5 also compares him with his 2023 freshman class and with the committee ranking members of each term, using rosters built from the Secretary of the State’s Register and Manual, the General Assembly’s 2023 committee bulletin, and election records, and checked against the 2021 and 2022 legislative datasets. Part 4 draws on a separate public-records search of State Bond Commission agendas, state grant award lists, and Hebron municipal minutes. Readers can verify any row from the sources listed at the end.

Introduction

Overview¶

Connecticut’s 55th House District (Andover, Bolton, Glastonbury, Hebron, Marlborough) has been represented by Steve Weir (R-Hebron) since January 2023. This report asks a narrow, checkable question about those four years: what bills carry his name, and what happened to each one?

The answer divides cleanly along one line. Rep. Weir put his own name on 41 bills as an introducer across the four sessions, and not one of them became law; 24 of those he filed entirely alone, and every one died in its committee of reference without a vote. Separately, he added his name as a cosponsor to 49 bills written and moved by others, and 33 of those did become law. On all 33, the primary sponsor of record is a legislative committee, not Rep. Weir and not any other individual member.

That split is the whole of the record, and it supports two conclusions that pull in opposite directions. His name appears on a substantial body of enacted Connecticut law, more than a casual reader would expect. None of it is law he authored. Part 1 explains why that distinction is the one that matters in Hartford; Parts 2 and 3 present the record; Part 4 asks whether the district projects behind his local bills got funded anyway; Part 5 measures the whole record against every other member of the House who served the same four years, against the eleven Republicans who entered with him in 2023, and against the committee ranking members of each term.

Process

Part 1 — How a name gets on a Connecticut bill¶

Reading a sponsorship record requires knowing that “sponsor” covers three very different roles in Hartford.

An individual proposed bill is a short bill a single member files under their own name. It expresses the member’s own agenda. Almost all proposed bills die when the committee of reference declines to raise them; the few that advance do so by being absorbed into a committee bill.

A committee bill (or raised bill) is introduced by one of the joint standing committees, drafted at the direction of its chairs, who under the current majority are Democrats. Individual legislators can attach their names as cosponsors. The committee, through its chairs, is the bill’s primary sponsor of record and the party that moves it.

A cosponsorship is a signature added to someone else’s bill. Popular bipartisan bills accumulate dozens of cosponsors; signing on requires only a form. Cosponsoring is a statement of support, not authorship, and a cosponsor may ultimately vote against the amended bill.

Because of this structure, the meaningful questions for any individual representative are: what did they file themselves, and did any of it move? On enacted bills carrying their name, were they the author and champion, or one signature among many?

The tables below therefore separate the two. Within each session, bills Rep. Weir filed himself are listed apart from bills he cosponsored, and the cosponsored bills are split by whether they became law. Where a cosponsor count appears, it counts legislators only: the committee that holds the primary-sponsor slot is excluded, so “Cosponsor (2 of 4)” means he was the second of four members to sign a committee’s bill.

The record

Part 2 — The record, session by session¶

Ninety bills carry Rep. Weir’s name across the four sessions: 34 in 2023, 8 in 2024, 39 in 2025, and 9 in 2026.

2026 session (9 bills)¶

Filed himself (4):

Cosponsored, became law (5):

Cosponsored, did not become law (0):

Notes: All five enacted bills are committee bills: the primary sponsor of record on each is a committee (General Law for SB 116; Labor and Public Employees, where Rep. Weir serves as ranking member, for SB 349, SB 439, and HB 5493; Environment for HB 5521), and his typed role on each is “Cosponsor.” PA 26-129’s sterile-cultivars content is a single section directing the Agricultural Experiment Station to deliver a report by January 2027; the remainder of the thirteen-page act concerns fill-materials permitting and revisions to housing statutes. On HB 5521 he is one of only four legislators to sign a bill led by the Environment Committee’s Democratic co-chair, Rep. Joseph Gresko.

2025 session (39 bills)¶

Filed himself (27):

Cosponsored, became law (3):

Cosponsored, did not become law (9):

Notes: HB 6680 would have named West Street in Bolton for Sgt. Michael Clark. The bill itself died in the Transportation Committee without a hearing, but its substance became law: Section 51 of Public Act 25-65, the annual Department of Transportation act signed June 10, 2025, designates the stretch of Route 85 (West Street) from School Road north to State Road 534 in Bolton as the “Sergeant Michael Clark Memorial Highway.” That is the ordinary route for road namings in Connecticut: 19 standalone naming bills were filed in the 2025 session, every one of them died as a standalone, and 15 of the 19 were folded into PA 25-65 the same way. The naming is a real result and a routine one. On HB 6075 (PA 25-128) Rep. Weir is the first legislator listed after the Higher Education Committee, the closest he comes in this session to the front of an enacted bill. SB 1276, the property tax exemption for totally disabled veterans and Gold Star spouses, passed the Senate 36-0 on May 29, 2025, was placed on the House calendar the next day, and never came to a House vote before adjournment.

2024 session (8 bills)¶

Filed himself (3):

Cosponsored, became law (3):

Cosponsored, did not become law (2):

Notes: HB 5279, declaring line-of-duty deaths for firefighters, police officers, and emergency medical personnel, became Public Act 24-16; Rep. Weir was one of 58 legislator cosponsors on a Public Safety Committee bill. HB 5413, the street-takeover enforcement bill, passed the House 148-0 but was never called in the Senate before adjournment, so its content did not become law in 2024.

2023 session (34 bills)¶

Filed himself (7):

Cosponsored, became law (22):

Cosponsored, did not become law (5):

Notes: 2023 is the session that produced most of Rep. Weir’s enacted-law footprint: 22 of the 33 laws bearing his name date from his first year. All 22 are committee bills he cosponsored. Two are unusually short-listed. On HB 6756, which became Special Act 23-15 and created a working group on the State Historic Preservation Officer’s role, he is the only legislator on the bill, cosponsoring a Commerce Committee bill nobody else signed. On HB 6549 (PA 23-117), a Labor Committee statute cleanup, he is one of two. SB 2, the Senate majority’s 2023 priority bill on children’s wellness, passed both chambers without a dissenting vote and was signed June 26, 2023; Section 2(i) of the enacted text, Public Act 23-101, bars a public library from receiving its state grant unless it maintains board-approved collection development, management, and reconsideration policies, and provides that “in the instance of a book challenge, these policies shall govern.” Rep. Weir is one of 45 legislators who cosponsored that act.

Patterns

Part 3 — Patterns in the record¶

Nothing he filed himself ever moved¶

Across four sessions Rep. Weir put his name at the top of 41 bills. None received a floor vote in either chamber, and none became law. Of the 24 he filed entirely alone, every one died in its committee of reference without so much as a public hearing. This is the single most consistent fact in the record, and it does not vary by session, subject, or committee.

Refiling did not change the outcome¶

Eight of his proposals were filed in two or three separate sessions and died each time: repeal of the highway use tax (2023, 2025, 2026), repeal of the 1% meals surtax (2023, 2025, 2026), the home-hospital-bed tax exemption (2024, 2025, 2026), the handicap-ramp exemption (2025, 2026), the retired-teachers insurance subsidy (2024, 2025), the motor-vehicle mill rate cap (2024, 2025), the sub-18 minimum wage reduction (2023, 2025), and qualified immunity for police (2023, 2025). Whether a reader sees persistence or futility in that pattern, the legislative outcome is the same in every case.

His enacted footprint is real, and it is entirely cosponsorship¶

Thirty-three laws carry Rep. Weir’s name. That is a larger number than the shape of his own filings would suggest, and it is worth stating plainly rather than minimizing. On every one of the 33, the primary sponsor of record is a joint standing committee. On none of them is Rep. Weir, or any other individual legislator, the primary sponsor.

The 33 vary widely in how crowded they are. At one end are mass-signed bipartisan measures where he is one signature among a hundred, such as PA 24-46 with 118 legislator cosponsors, or PA 23-137 with 93. At the other end are a handful of quiet committee bills with almost no one on them: Special Act 23-15, where he is the only legislator to sign a Commerce Committee bill; PA 23-117, where he is one of two on a Labor Committee cleanup; PA 25-128, where he is the first of five names after the Higher Education Committee; and PA 26-129, where he is one of four. These are the strongest associations between Rep. Weir and an enacted law that the record contains. They are also, in every case, bills a committee drafted and its majority chairs moved.

The district bills split two ways¶

The 2025 filings include four local items that died in committee without a vote: bond authorizations for a RHAM regional-shelter generator, RHAM athletic fields, and Hebron water lines, plus signage for the Marlborough Arts Center. On all four, Sen. Catherine Osten (D-19th) is the first-listed introducer and Rep. Weir the second name. Individual bond bills conventionally die this way, with projects funded, if at all, through the State Bond Commission. Part 4 traces what became of each of the four projects. The fifth local item, the naming of West Street in Bolton for Sgt. Michael Clark, did become law, as Section 51 of PA 25-65. Constituents who care about that naming got the result; the mechanism was the Transportation Committee’s annual omnibus, which absorbed 15 of the session’s 19 naming bills.

The projects

Part 4 — The district projects, and whether they got funded¶

A bill dying is not the same as a project dying. Four of the 2025 filings carrying Rep. Weir’s name asked the state to pay for specific things in this district, and all four died in the Finance, Revenue and Bonding Committee without a vote. The question a resident actually cares about is whether the generator, the fields, the water line, and the signs happened anyway. This part answers that from public records.

One structural point first. On all four of these bills the first-listed introducer is Sen. Catherine Osten (D-19th), whose district adjoins this one and includes part of the RHAM region; Rep. Weir is the second name. They are her bond bills, joined by him, rather than measures he originated. That is the ordinary way a House member attaches to a Senate bond filing, and it matters only because it bears on who could claim delivery if any of them had produced money.

The four projects¶

Notes: “State funding found” means no State Bond Commission agenda item or minute, no STEAP or Community Investment Fund award, and no enacted bond-act line naming the project could be located in 2024-2026 public records. Absence of a public record is strong evidence but not absolute proof; the standard that would reverse any row is stated at the end of this part.

The generator: a real project, paid for locally¶

The RHAM generator is the one project of the four that is actually being built, and its funding history is the clearest illustration in this report of what a failed bond bill does and does not accomplish.

The state was asked three times. Sen. Osten first filed for it in 2022 as SB 95, seeking up to $2 million for the generator, installation, and related equipment; it moved from Appropriations to Finance and went no further. In 2025 she and Rep. Weir filed SB 925, which died in Finance without a hearing. In 2026 she filed the measure again, alone, as SB 141; Rep. Weir’s name is not on the 2026 refiling, and that bill died as well. The fact that the project needed refiling in 2026 “to complete the installation” is itself evidence that the earlier bills delivered no money.

Meanwhile the work proceeded on local funds. The Hebron Public Building Committee is administering the generator upgrade on behalf of the Town of Hebron and Regional School District No. 8, with the Town pre-purchasing the generator itself. The Town Council awarded the Phase 1 construction bid to R & C Electric, LLC of Bristol in December 2025, and on April 9, 2026 awarded a Phase 1 testing and inspection contract to Tri State Materials Testing Lab, LLC of Berlin, not to exceed $9,500.

So the emergency shelter generator is getting installed, and Hebron taxpayers are paying for it. No legislator of either party has a verifiable public claim to having delivered state funding for it.

The water line: applied for, not awarded¶

Hebron did pursue the water-main project through the grant channel that exists for it. The Board of Selectmen approved a 2025 Small Town Economic Assistance Program application for the Amston Village Water Main Extension in the amount of $665,000. When the Governor announced the 2025 STEAP awards on May 28, 2025, releasing $30 million across 46 small towns, Hebron was not among them.

One nearby award should not be confused with this one. The Department of Economic and Community Development awarded $2.1 million to the Town of Hebron to build community wells serving the Church Street Commons housing development. That is a different project with a different purpose, and it is not the Amston water main that SB 949 addressed.

How a reader can check this¶

The State Bond Commission, chaired by the Governor, approves STEAP grants and most local bond grants; the Office of Policy and Management serves as its secretary and publishes agendas and minutes. Those are the records to pull.

• Generator: Hebron Town Council minutes for December 2025 and April 9, 2026, and the Public Building Committee’s generator solicitation on hebronct.com. For the state side, search Bond Commission agendas from 2024 through 2026 for “Hebron,” “RHAM,” or “Region 8.”
• Athletic fields: the same Bond Commission agendas and the OPM award lists, searching “Region 8” or “RHAM.”
• Water line: the Board of Selectmen resolution approving the $665,000 STEAP application, against the Governor’s May 28, 2025 award list.
• Signage: OPM and DECD grant announcements and Bond Commission agendas.

Any one of three things would reverse a “none” in the table above: a Bond Commission agenda item naming the town, grantee, amount, and statutory authority; an OPM award-list entry; or an enacted bond-act section naming Hebron, Marlborough, or Region 8 for the specific project. Readers who find one should weigh it against this report, which is current as of late August 2026.

Comparison

Part 5 — How the record compares¶

A count means nothing without a baseline. Rep. Weir filed 41 bills and none became law; whether that is a failing, a structural fact, or simply normal depends entirely on what happened to everyone else’s bills. So this part computes the same measures for his colleagues from the same data.

The comparison group is every member of the House who served all four sessions, 2023 through 2026: 126 members, 43 Republicans and 83 Democrats. Holding tenure constant matters, because a member who arrived in 2025 has had half as many chances to file anything. Rep. Weir served exactly these four sessions, so every member of the cohort had exactly his opportunity.

Almost nobody in Connecticut is the lead sponsor of a law¶

Start with the measure that sounds most damning and turns out to be the least informative. Across the four sessions the General Assembly enacted 793 bills. Here is who held the primary-sponsor slot on them.

The 18 exceptions are not ordinary legislation. They are the budget acts, the bonding acts, the federal-funds allocations, and the emergency-certified bills, and they carry the same four names each time: House Speaker Matthew Ritter, House Majority Leader Jason Rojas, Senate President Pro Tempore Martin Looney, and Senate Majority Leader Robert Duff. One of the 18, Public Act 23-1 on school lunch funding, adds the two Republican leaders, House Minority Leader Vincent Candelora and Senate Minority Leader Kevin Kelly.

So six legislators out of roughly 180 have held the lead slot on any enacted bill in four years, and five of the six hold a chamber leadership title. “Never the lead sponsor of a law that passed” describes Rep. Weir. It also describes 42 of the 43 Republicans in his cohort, every rank-and- file Democrat, and every committee chair in the building. Readers should give the fact no weight at all as a measure of one member, and this report records it only because leaving it out would invite someone else to present it as though it meant something.

What does vary is how far a member’s own bills travel¶

The informative measure is what happens to bills a member files. Almost all of them die, for members of both parties. But they die at different stages, and the gap between the caucuses is the real finding.

A Republican’s filed bill was less than half as likely as a Democrat’s to get so much as a public hearing, and past that point the Republican pipeline is essentially closed: zero of 2,626 bills reported out of committee, and the single Republican bill that reached the floor and became law is Public Act 23-1, the bipartisan emergency school-lunch bill led by all six chamber leaders. On the Democratic side the numbers are larger but concentrated rather than broad: the 36 enacted are the leadership vehicles described above, filed by Speaker Ritter and Majority Leader Rojas, not the work of 83 individual members.

The honest reading is that in Connecticut an individual member’s own bill is not the instrument through which law gets made, in either party. Ideas that survive are absorbed into committee bills, and the committee becomes the sponsor of record. That is the system working as designed, and it is the strongest thing that can be said in Rep. Weir’s defense on this record.

Within his own caucus, his numbers are ordinary¶

Against the 43 Republicans who served the same four sessions:

He files slightly more bills than the median Republican and stands 19th of 43 in volume. He files alone more often than most, 14th of 43, which is consistent with a member working his own list rather than joining colleagues’ bills. The outcome measures do not distinguish him from anyone, because the outcomes are zero across the caucus.

The one measure on which he is genuinely below his caucus is cosponsorship: 49 bills signed against a caucus median of 74, ranking 33rd of 43. Members who sign hundreds of bills accumulate large enacted-law counts without having done more legislative work, so a low number here is not a criticism and a high one is not an achievement. It does mean that Rep. Weir’s 33 enacted cosponsorships came from a comparatively small number of signatures, and that his name appears on fewer of his colleagues’ bills than most Republicans’ do.

Against the members who started when he did¶

Eleven Republicans entered the House with Rep. Weir in January 2023, first elected that November with no prior House service. This is the tightest comparison the record allows: identical starting point, identical years, identical minority status. Three of the eleven lost in 2024 and served only the first term, so the four-session comparison runs across the eight who stayed.

He filed more bills than anyone else in his freshman class, and filed alone more often than all but one. On the outcome column the class is uniform: none of the eleven, in either the four-session group or the three who served one term, had a bill of their own become law.

The freshman roster was assembled from election records and member biographies, then checked independently against the 2021 and 2022 legislative datasets: every one of the eleven is absent from both earlier sessions, and no twelfth Republican in the 2023 House is missing from them. The two methods agree exactly.

Does a ranking-member post change anything?¶

Rep. Weir is the ranking Republican on the Labor and Public Employees Committee, the minority party’s senior position on that committee. He has held it since 2025. In the 2023-24 term the Labor ranking member was Rep. Tim Ackert of the 8th District, and Rep. Weir sat as a rank-and-file member of Labor, Housing, and Higher Education. Because the post changed hands partway through the period, the comparison has to run term by term.

Holding a ranking post is worth something, and not much. Ranking members file more bills than their colleagues without a post, about a third more at the median in both terms, and in 2023-24 they won more hearings. What the post does not do is get bills passed. The single enacted bill in the table is Public Act 23-1, the bipartisan emergency school-lunch act filed by House Minority Leader Vincent Candelora together with the other five chamber leaders. Across both terms, no other House Republican, with or without a ranking post, had a bill of their own signed into law.

His own two terms differ more than his cohort does¶

The clearest thing the roster data adds is a change in Rep. Weir himself. In his first term he was a low-volume filer, 37th of 52 House Republicans. In his second, holding the Labor ranking post, he filed three times as many bills and moved to 14th of 49, and 9th of the 27 ranking members. Whatever else the record shows, he became a markedly more active legislator after 2024.

His cosponsorship moved the other way, from 32 bills signed in the first term to 17 in the second, dropping from 28th to 39th among House Republicans. He is spending more effort on his own filings and less on signing his colleagues’. The enacted column stays at zero in both terms, as it does for almost everyone.

What the comparison still cannot settle¶

Two committee ranking-member posts for the 2023-24 term, Planning and Development and Veterans’ Affairs, could not be established from the sources consulted and are absent from that term’s cohort of 23. Both are recoverable from the archived 2024 State Register and Manual. Neither could change the finding, because the enactment count for the entire House Republican caucus in that term is one bill, filed by the minority leader.

Rep. Amy Romano, who won an April 2025 special election in the 113th District, is excluded from the 2025-26 cohorts because she served only part of the term and a partial tenure would not be comparable.

Beyond that, sponsorship data cannot show why a bill died, what a member argued for in a closed committee negotiation, or whether an idea survived inside someone else’s bill.

The exception that shows what driving a bill looks like¶

Minority legislators are not barred from authoring law; they are only very unlikely to do it through their own filed bills. The clearest recent example touching this district’s news cycle is Senator Tony Hwang (R-Fairfield), the publicly credited champion of the 2025 library e-book licensing law (SB 1234, now Public Act 25-9), a first-in-the-nation measure he worked on for four years before its 35-1 Senate passage. That work is visible in committee records, testimony, and press coverage rather than in a sponsor field, which is precisely the point: the sponsorship data in this report can show that a member did not lead a bill to passage, but only narrative records can show that one did.

At a glance

Summary¶

Takeaways

Key Observations¶

The record’s headline is a clean split. Every bill Rep. Weir filed himself died, without exception and without a floor vote. Every law bearing his name is one he cosponsored, moved by a committee.

His enacted footprint is larger than the split implies. Thirty-three public and special acts carry his name, 22 of them from his first session. A reader told only that he “has no laws” would be misled; the accurate statement is that he has no laws he authored.

On a few enacted bills he is nearly alone. Special Act 23-15 carries one legislator’s name, his. PA 23-117 carries two. PA 25-128 lists him first among five. These are the closest he comes to an enacted bill, and each is still a committee’s bill.

The Bolton street naming succeeded. His bill for it died, but the naming is law, folded into the annual transportation act along with most of that session’s namings. It is the one instance in four years where something he filed reached the statute book in any form.

The district projects did not get state money. None of the four local projects behind his 2025 bond bills can be shown to have received a State Bond Commission approval, a state grant, or a bond-act line. The one that is being built, the RHAM emergency generator, is being paid for by the Town of Hebron. Hebron’s water-main application went in for $665,000 and was not among the 46 towns funded in the 2025 STEAP round.

The refiled tax bills define his own agenda, and its fate. Repealing the highway use tax and the meals surtax, and a set of targeted sales-tax exemptions, were filed session after session and never received a committee vote.

“Never the lead sponsor of a law” describes almost the whole legislature. Of 793 laws enacted in these four sessions, 756 are led by a committee. Just six legislators have ever held the lead slot, five of them chamber leaders, and only on budget and emergency bills. The fact is true of Rep. Weir and carries no information about him specifically.

What separates the caucuses is how far a member’s bill travels. A Republican’s filed bill was less than half as likely as a Democrat’s to receive a public hearing, and none of the 2,626 bills his cohort filed was reported out of committee. That is a structural finding about the minority party, not a personal one.

Within his caucus he is unremarkable. He files a little more than the median Republican, files alone more often than most, and ranks 19th of 43 in volume. His zero enacted bills is the number 42 of his 43 colleagues also posted.

He files the most bills of anyone in his freshman class. Of the eight Republicans who entered with him in 2023 and served all four sessions, he filed the most, 41, and filed alone more often than all but one. None of the eight had a bill of their own become law.

He became substantially more active in his second term. As a rank-and-file member in 2023-24 he ranked 37th of 52 House Republicans for bills filed. Holding the Labor ranking post in 2025-26 he filed three times as many and ranked 14th of 49. The ranking post came with more filing, more hearings across the cohort, and no additional laws.

He signs onto fewer bills than most of his caucus. At 49 cosponsorships against a median of 74, he ranks 33rd of 43. Cosponsorship volume measures willingness to sign, not legislative work, so this is neither credit nor criticism; it does mean his 33 enacted cosponsorships came from comparatively few signatures.

Structure explains much, but not all. Minority members rarely pass bills in Connecticut; some nonetheless do, by authoring and championing bipartisan measures over multiple years. No bill in this record shows Rep. Weir in that role.

Caveats

What this report does not show¶

• Floor speeches, amendments offered, or committee negotiation, none of which appear in sponsorship data. A separate review of transcripts would be required to credit or rule out those forms of legislative work.
• Whether Rep. Weir advocated privately for any bill he did not sign, or for the projects behind his bond bills, which may be funded through the State Bond Commission without legislation.
• Two 2023-24 committee ranking posts, Planning and Development and Veterans’ Affairs, which could not be established from the sources consulted and are missing from that term’s cohort. Part 5 explains why neither could change the finding.
• Why a given bill died. The data records that a bill stopped, not the negotiation, redrafting, or absorption into a committee bill that may lie behind it.
• Proof that the district projects received no state money. Part 4 reports that no award could be found in the public records searched, which is strong evidence and not the same as proof of absence. The specific records that would reverse each finding are named there.
• Advocacy that leaves no paper trail. A legislator may press an agency or the Bond Commission for a project without appearing in any record this report can search.
• Constituent service, which is a real part of the job and invisible in bill records.
• Voting record and ideological position, covered in this site’s companion report on Rep. Weir’s roll-call votes.
• Whether cosponsoring a bill implies support for every provision of the final amended act; it does not, and cosponsors sometimes vote against amended bills.

Documentation

Sources¶

Sponsorship lists:

• FastDemocracy legislator export for Rep. Steve Weir, 90 entries, all sessions, captured August 29, 2026: fastdemocracy.com
• LegiScan API getSponsoredList, people_id 23846, captured August 29, 2026; identical 90-bill list (JSON on file): legiscan.com
• CGA member bills page, 2026 session, captured August 29, 2026: cga.ct.gov

Roles and dispositions:

• LegiScan Connecticut bulk datasets, JSON variant, for the 2023, 2024, 2025, and 2026 General Assembly sessions (session IDs 2018, 2117, 2174, 2244), which supply each bill’s sponsor list with sponsor type and order, its progress history, and its final status. Every row in the tables above derives from these files: legiscan.com/CT/datasets

Peer comparison:

• dataset.json, published with this report: the cohort definitions, the per-member counts for all 126 four-session House members, and the list of every enacted bill with a legislator in the lead-sponsor slot. Every figure in Part 4 derives from this file. dataset.json

Committee rosters and the freshman class (Part 5):

• Connecticut Secretary of the State, State Register and Manual, legislative committee assignments, for the 2025-26 ranking members: portal.ct.gov/SOTS
• Connecticut General Assembly Bulletin No. 68, April 13, 2023, committee rosters carrying the ranking-member designations for 2023-24: cga.ct.gov
• CT News Junkie committee-leadership reports of December 12, 2022 and December 13, 2024, used to corroborate the ranking-member rows: ctnewsjunkie.com
• The 2023 freshman class was identified from election records and member biographies, then verified against the LegiScan Connecticut datasets for the 2021 and 2022 sessions: all eleven are absent from both, and no other 2023 House Republican is.

District project funding (Part 4):

• State Bond Commission agendas and minutes, published by the Office of Policy and Management, searched 2024-2026 for Hebron, Marlborough, RHAM and Region 8: portal.ct.gov/opm
• Governor’s announcement of the 2025 Small Town Economic Assistance Program awards, May 28, 2025, $30 million to 46 towns; Hebron does not appear: portal.ct.gov/governor
• Town of Hebron: Public Building Committee generator solicitation, and Town Council minutes of December 2025 (Phase 1 construction award to R & C Electric, LLC) and April 9, 2026 (Phase 1 testing and inspection award to Tri State Materials Testing Lab, LLC, not to exceed $9,500): hebronct.com
• Hebron Board of Selectmen resolution approving the 2025 STEAP application for the Amston Village Water Main Extension, $665,000: hebronct.com

Enacted texts:

• Public Act 25-65 (SB 1377), Sec. 51, the Bolton naming: cga.ct.gov
• Public Act 23-101 (SB 2), Sec. 2(i), library collection-reconsideration policies: cga.ct.gov
• Public Act 26-129, chaptered text: cga.ct.gov
• Governor’s Bill Notification 2026-11 (SB 116 as PA 26-98): portal.ct.gov

Download

Other Formats¶

This report is available in four formats, all located alongside this page: