Connecticut House of Representatives, 55th District · 2023 through 2026 · A pattern analysis of 1,351 roll-call votes
A personal report by Scott Sauyet · scott@sauyet.com · Not an official document
Compiled May 9, 2026, and revised August 23, 2026 on the re-derived record (which adds the special sessions and corrects every caucus split by one member), from the Connecticut General Assembly’s official roll-call records covering the 2023, 2024, 2025, and 2026 regular sessions. The dataset includes every recorded House vote in which Rep. Weir participated — 1,351 roll calls covering 1,152 unique bills, resolutions, and confirmations. For each vote, the dataset captures Weir’s position, the chamber-wide totals, and the breakdown by party. The analysis distinguishes near-unanimous votes (which carry no ideological signal) from partisan votes (where the two parties’ positions diverge), and within partisan votes asks where Weir positioned himself: with the Democratic majority, with the Republican caucus’s majority, or to the right of his own caucus.
Introduction
Steve Weir has represented the 55th Assembly District — Andover, Bolton, Glastonbury, Hebron, and Marlborough — since January 2023. He is the Ranking Member of the Labor and Public Employees Committee and serves on the Housing and Higher Education committees. He sits on the board of the Connecticut Apartment Association, a landlord trade group, and is the immediate past chair of the CT River Valley Chamber of Commerce.
A casual reading of his record might describe him as “a typical Republican in a heavily Democratic legislature.” This report documents that the casual reading understates the case. Across four legislative sessions:
On the 351 partisan roll calls where the two parties were on opposite sides, Weir voted with the Republican position 95–98% of the time, every year — a level of partisan loyalty that is consistent rather than situational.
On 95 separate roll calls, Weir voted “no” while a majority of House Republicans voted “yes.” These are votes where he positioned himself to the right of his own caucus’s center of gravity. They include child-safety measures, judicial confirmations, state-land conveyances, and bills designating state symbols.
Genuine bipartisan votes — bills where Weir broke from a strong Republican consensus to side with Democrats — number three in 1,351 roll calls.
The report walks through the topical pattern (Part 1), the year-over-year stability (Part 2), the “right of his own caucus” record (Part 3), the rare crossover votes (Part 4), and the bills that most clearly expose where Weir’s positions diverge from his stated platform (Part 5).
Findings
A “partisan vote” here means a roll call where the two parties’ majorities took opposite positions and at least five members of each party were voting. Among 351 such votes, Weir’s record is overwhelmingly aligned with the Republican position. The table below shows his record by topic. Each topic includes only contested partisan votes — near-unanimous bills and procedural votes that don’t reveal an ideological position are excluded.
| Topic | Partisan votes | With R position | With D position | % R-aligned |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Reproductive rights | 3 | 3 | 0 | 100% |
| Guns / firearms | 10 | 10 | 0 | 100% |
| Civil rights / antidiscrimination | 2 | 2 | 0 | 100% |
| Voting / elections | 36 | 36 | 0 | 100% |
| Housing | 22 | 22 | 0 | 100% |
| Healthcare / public health | 32 | 31 | 1 | 97% |
| Immigration | 3 | 3 | 0 | 100% |
| Consumer protection | 15 | 15 | 0 | 100% |
| Taxes / revenue | 2 | 2 | 0 | 100% |
| Transit / transportation | 11 | 11 | 0 | 100% |
| Budget / appropriations | 17 | 17 | 0 | 100% |
| Environment / climate | 29 | 29 | 0 | 100% |
| Criminal justice | 31 | 30 | 1 | 97% |
| Education | 40 | 38 | 2 | 95% |
| State employees / nominations | 41 | 38 | 3 | 93% |
| Labor / workers | 47 | 43 | 4 | 91% |
Notes: Topics are assigned by keyword classification of bill titles; bills can match multiple topics. Counts are roll calls, not unique bills, since major bills typically generate several roll calls (initial passage, amendments, motion to recommit, final passage). The “% R-aligned” column reflects how often Weir voted with whichever side a majority of the Republican caucus took. Source: Connecticut General Assembly roll-call PDFs, 2023–2026 sessions.
Because a bill can match several topics, the Partisan-votes column intentionally exceeds the partisan-vote total and should be read as indicative, not exact. The original keyword-classification step is not independently reproducible, so — unlike the per-bill counts and the by-year totals in this report — these topic groupings are not independently confirmed; treat the per-bill and by-year figures as authoritative. This table still reflects the May 2026 classification of the earlier 1,293-vote dataset; it was not rebuilt in the August 23 revision, so its rows do not sum to the revised 351.
The most striking feature of this table is that Weir’s R-alignment exceeds 92% in every category. There is no issue area where his record reflects meaningful independence from his party. The 9% of labor votes in which he sided with Democrats are concentrated in a handful of bills involving state employee bargaining agreements, where some Republicans cross over routinely.
Weir voted “no” on every contested reproductive-rights bill that came before the chamber:
Voted no on every major gun-related bill:
Voted no on every major voting-access expansion:
This pattern was identified in earlier analysis as the most consistent in Weir’s record — an alignment with landlords against tenants. The 2023–2026 data confirms this and extends it to nearly every contested housing measure:
His position on the board of the Connecticut Apartment Association is relevant context for this pattern: the Apartment Association is a landlord trade group, and Weir’s voting record on housing-related questions is consistent with that affiliation.
Voted no on essentially every climate or clean-energy bill of consequence:
This is the area where Weir’s voting record most directly contradicts his stated portfolio. As Ranking Member of the Labor and Public Employees Committee, he is his caucus’s lead voice on labor questions. His record on contested labor bills is overwhelmingly anti-labor:
State employee bargaining agreements and arbitration awards are a related category. Weir voted against state union contracts and arbitration awards approximately half the time — including agreements that most Senate Republicans supported. His no vote on HR-31 (2023), a stipulated agreement with the State Police Union, came on a vote where the Republican caucus voted 48–5 in favor.
Trend
Some legislators evolve over time — they vote with their party more often as a freshman and more independently as they gain experience, or vice versa. Weir’s record shows no such evolution. His R-alignment on partisan votes has been remarkably stable across all four sessions:
| Session | Partisan votes | With R majority | With D majority | % R-aligned |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2023 | 98 | 94 | 4 | 95.9% |
| 2024 | 63 | 62 | 1 | 98.4% |
| 2025 | 123 | 118 | 4 | 96.7% |
| 2026 | 67 | 64 | 3 | 95.5% |
| Total | 351 | 338 | 12 | 96.6% |
The variation between years is small enough to be statistical noise. There is no trend line that would suggest Weir is becoming more independent, more bipartisan, or more (or less) ideological as he gains seniority.
Analysis
The 96.6% R-alignment number captures Weir’s loyalty to his party. It does not capture the more striking pattern: that on 95 separate roll calls, Weir voted “no” while a majority of House Republicans voted “yes.” On these votes, he was not just disagreeing with Democrats — he was disagreeing with his own caucus.
The list below shows the bills where Weir was the most isolated within his own party. The “R vote” column shows how Connecticut House Republicans voted; the higher the yes count, the more Weir was alone among Republicans on that vote.
| Year | Bill | R vote | Title |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2024 | HB-5350 | 51–1 | Boating-law enforcement near RI/MA/NY borders (Weir was the lone R “no”) |
| 2025 | HJ-31 | 44–2 | Confirming Hon. Elizabeth A. Bozzuto to be a Superior Court judge |
| 2025 | HB-6970 | 45–3 | Adoption of amendments to the Uniform Commercial Code |
| 2023 | SB-905 | 48–4 | Alcoholic liquor permits and tobacco bars |
| 2026 | HB-5467 | 44–4 | DECD employee for concierge services to small businesses |
| 2025 | HJ-38 | 42–4 | Confirming Hon. Margaret M. Murphy to be a Superior Court judge |
| 2023 | HR-31 | 48–5 | State Police Union (NP-1) stipulated agreement |
| 2024 | HB-5196 | 47–5 | Expanding the podiatric scope of practice |
| 2025 | HB-6438 | 42–5 | Recognizing and honoring military service of CT veterans |
| 2025 | HJ-30 | 40–5 | Confirming Hon. Barry F. Armata to be a Superior Court judge |
| 2025 | SJ-28 | 39–5 | Confirming Hon. Gerard I. Adelman to be a State Referee |
| 2025 | SB-1336 | 41–6 | Mortgage foreclosures and undischarged mortgages |
| 2025 | HB-5572 | 41–6 | Real estate wholesaler regulation |
| 2025 | HB-7281 | 41–6 | Conveyance of state land to the Town of Southbury (amendment of prior conveyance) |
| 2025 | SB-1179 | 40–6 | Connecticut Community Makerspace Initiative Program |
| 2025 | SJ-27 | 38–6 | Confirming Hon. Holly Abery-Wetstone to be a State Referee |
| 2023 | SB-1069 | 46–7 | Domestic-animal-related statute revisions |
| 2026 | HB-5333 | 40–7 | Regulation of striped bass fishing |
| 2025 | HB-6957 | 39–7 | Municipal omnibus (city designation, inland-wetlands training, zoning) |
| 2025 | HB-7233 | 39–7 | Establishing a Parkinson’s Disease Research Account |
Notes: This is a partial list. The full list of 95 right-of-caucus roll calls is available as a downloadable spreadsheet (see Other Formats below). Several of these involve judicial confirmations that the Republican caucus supports as a matter of routine professional courtesy; Weir’s no votes on them are unusual within his own party. Source: CGA roll-call PDFs.
A few of these warrant individual mention:
Judicial confirmations. Weir voted no on 15 of 75 judicial nominations during this period. Many of those no votes came on confirmations the Republican caucus broadly supported — confirmations like Judge Bozzuto’s (R 45–2) or Judge Murphy’s (R 43–4) where he was one of only a handful of Republican no votes. The pattern is consistent enough across four years to read as reflexive opposition rather than principled review of individual nominees.
Routine bipartisan housekeeping. HB-5350 (boating laws on the RI/MA/NY borders) was a technical enforcement bill where Weir was the lone Republican no vote on a 52–1 caucus vote. HB-6970 (adoption of UCC amendments) is the kind of statutory housekeeping that virtually never draws partisan opposition; the Republican caucus voted 45–3 in favor and Weir was among the three.
Public-health and child-safety measures. HB-6678 (nursing home transparency, R 42–10), SB-181 (emergency department crowding, R 44–9), HB-6587 (a task force study on Medicaid coverage of diapers, R 35–16), and HB-5169 (swimming pool barriers, where most Republicans actually opposed but the bill is worth noting because it’s a child drowning prevention measure) all show a willingness to vote no on health- and safety-related bills that even his own caucus broadly supports.
State-land conveyances. Routine conveyances of state-owned land to specific municipalities — bills that ordinarily pass with broad bipartisan support — drew Weir no votes throughout 2025. On three of them the Republican caucus voted in favor and Weir did not: HB-7280 (Danbury, R 35–11), HB-7281 (Southbury, R 41–6), and HB-7284 (Preston, R 33–14). He also voted no on HB-7283 (CRDA) and HB-7285 (Hamden), but a majority of Republicans opposed those too, so they are not right-of-caucus votes.
Analysis
In four years and 1,351 roll calls, Weir voted “yes” while a strong Republican majority voted “no” — and the Democratic caucus voted yes — on three votes. These are his only genuine crossover moments:
| Year | Bill | Title | D vote | R vote |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2023 | HB-6738 | Compassionate or medical parole and credits awarded for release during an emergency | 88–7 | 14–38 |
| 2023 | SB-913 | Expanding workers’ compensation coverage for post-traumatic stress injuries for all employees | 95–0 | 9–44 |
| 2025 | HR-15 | Collective bargaining agreement between Charter Oak State College and a UAW local | 96–0 | 13–34 |
Notes: “Crossover” here means a vote where the Democratic caucus voted yes by at least 85%, the Republican caucus voted no by at least 70%, and Weir voted yes. These are the most demanding criteria for identifying a genuine break from caucus position. Other Weir “yes” votes that diverged from a Republican majority no exist (144 in total) but most of those were on procedural votes, amendments, or bills where the Republican opposition was narrow rather than overwhelming. Source: CGA roll-call PDFs.
The pattern of these three crossover votes is worth noting. Two of them — SB-913 and HR-15 — are labor-adjacent measures that benefit specific defined constituencies (first responders, university employees) rather than general workforce protections. The third — HB-6738 — is a narrowly tailored emergency-related parole adjustment, not a broader criminal-justice reform. There is no crossover vote in the dataset on a high-profile partisan issue (reproductive rights, climate, voting rights, housing, gun safety, antidiscrimination, paid leave). On the visible signature issues that distinguish the two parties, Weir’s record shows zero examples of crossing the aisle.
Analysis
Weir’s campaign materials and official site describe him as a “staunch supporter of equal protection under law, public safety, free markets, limiting government intrusion and protecting individual & property rights.” The voting record contains tensions with several of these claims.
Weir voted no on HB-6638 (2023), the bill revising Connecticut’s antidiscrimination statutes. The Republican caucus voted 35–17 in favor. Weir voted no on HB-6866 (2023), which would have studied adding a nonbinary gender option to state forms. He voted no on HB-6872 (2025), revising and consolidating the state’s hate-crimes statutes. He voted no on the resolution to exonerate colonial witchcraft convictions.
Weir voted no on HB-6667 (2023), the omnibus gun-violence bill. He voted no on HB-7042 (2025), the firearm-industry responsibility legislation. He voted no on HB-5043 (2026), which addressed convertible pistols and ghost-gun frames. He voted no on HB-5317 (2024), which would have studied the effectiveness of community gun-violence intervention programs — a study, not a regulation. On HB-5169 (2024), requiring swimming-pool barriers as a child drowning-prevention measure, he voted no.
This is the framing most consistent with Weir’s record on regulation, taxes, and spending. But his record on housing — where his stated platform’s logic would call for reducing municipal restrictions on building — runs in the opposite direction. He voted no on HB-7035 (2025), which prohibited municipalities from banning multifamily housing development. He voted no on HB-5288 (2026), which authorized utility connections for accessory dwelling units. He voted no on SB-1444 (2025), which would have facilitated converting underused commercial buildings to housing. These are exactly the deregulatory housing reforms that “free market” advocates typically support; Weir voted with municipalities and existing landowners rather than with the bills’ market-liberalization logic.
Weir voted no on HB-6569 (2023), which raised the minimum marriage age to 18 with no exceptions. The bill ended child marriage in Connecticut. He voted no on bills protecting access to reproductive health care for college students (SB-1108, 2023) and for residents broadly (HB-7213, 2025). On SB-1071 (2023), prohibiting deceptive or coercive police interrogation tactics — a measure that protects individuals against state coercion — he voted no, though he later supported a similar measure on a different roll call.
The pattern that emerges from these tensions is not random ideological inconsistency. It tracks closely with the orthodoxies of the contemporary national Republican coalition: opposition to expanded reproductive rights, opposition to gun regulation, opposition to housing-market liberalization that would change suburban neighborhoods, opposition to expanded voting access, and skepticism of climate and clean-energy policy. Where Weir’s stated platform language (“free markets,” “individual rights,” “equal protection”) would predict a different vote, the partisan position consistently wins.
At a glance
| Question | Answer |
|---|---|
| Total roll calls 2023–2026 | 1,351 (covering 1,152 unique bills/resolutions) |
| Weir’s overall vote distribution | 1,062 yes, 287 no, 2 not voting |
| Partisan votes (parties on opposite sides) | 351 |
| Weir’s R-alignment on partisan votes | 96.6% (338 with R, 12 with D) |
| Year-over-year R-alignment range | 95.5% to 98.4% |
| Roll calls right of his own caucus (R majority Y, Weir N) | 95 |
| Genuine crossover votes (D≥85% Y, R≤30% Y, Weir Y) | 3 |
| Reproductive-rights position on contested votes | 0% with the D side |
| Gun-safety position on contested votes | 0% with the D side |
| Voting-access position on contested votes | 0% with the D side |
| Housing position on contested votes | 0% with the D side |
| Labor position on contested votes | ~8% with the D side (his most independent topic) |
Analysis
Weir is not an “in-name-only” Republican on any major issue. The evenness of his R-alignment across topic areas (92% on the low end, in labor) is the strongest single finding. There is no issue area where his voting behavior diverges from his caucus position in a way that would suggest independent ideological commitment.
He is meaningfully to the right of his own caucus. The 95 votes where he opposed bills that his caucus’s majority supported is a substantial pattern. It is not noise. Many of these votes are on routine matters — judicial confirmations, state-land conveyances, statutory housekeeping — where reflexive opposition has no obvious policy justification.
His committee assignments do not predict his votes. Weir is the Ranking Member of the Labor and Public Employees Committee. On 50 partisan labor votes, he sided with the Democratic position 4 times. He sits on the Housing Committee. On 30 partisan housing votes, he sided with the Democratic position 0 times.
He has voted against several bills that distinguish him from mainstream Connecticut public opinion. The child-marriage ban (HB-6569, 2023) became law and made Connecticut the 9th state to fully end the practice. Weir voted no. The bipartisan early-voting implementation legislation (HB-5004, 2023) followed a constitutional amendment that voters had already approved. Weir voted no. The reproductive-health-care access bill (HB-7213, 2025) passed with 22 Republicans (half the caucus) voting yes. Weir voted no.
The “free markets” framing in his stated platform conflicts with his housing record. Bills like HB-7035 (prohibiting municipal multifamily-housing bans), HB-5288 (utility connections for ADUs), and SB-1444 (commercial-to-residential conversion) are deregulatory housing-supply reforms. Weir voted no on each. The pattern is more readily explained by his board membership at the Connecticut Apartment Association than by free-market commitments.
The stability is the story. Across four sessions, two re-election cycles, and a wide variety of bill types, Weir has voted with his party position 95–98% of the time on contested questions. This is a consistent ideological profile, not a situational pattern that reflects the salience of particular issues.
Caveats
This report analyzes Weir’s recorded floor votes. It does not analyze:
The report’s claim is bounded: it documents how Weir voted on 1,351 specific roll calls, what topical patterns those votes show, and where the patterns sit relative to his stated platform.
Documentation
The underlying dataset is derived from the Connecticut General Assembly’s official roll-call vote records.
Vote records:
Biographical and platform information:
Specific bill background:
Download
This report is available in four formats, all located alongside this page:
Compiled May 9, 2026; revised August 23, 2026 on the re-derived roll-call record (regular and special sessions) · Data from the Connecticut General Assembly's official roll-call records. Not an official document.